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This invention will be described in further detail by way of example with reference to the accompanying drawings. Now, referring to FIG. 1, there is shown a block diagram illustrating a configuration of an audio playback apparatus as one embodiment of the present invention. An audio playback apparatus 1 has a sound source 10 comprised of a hard disk or a DVD which is large in storage capacity for storing large amounts of data, an output unit 20 for outputting signals supplied from the sound source 10 to the outside, a user interface (UI) 30 through which the user understands the operation status of the audio playback apparatus 1 and operates the audio playback apparatus 1, and a system control block 40 for controlling the audio playback apparatus 1 in its entirety. iphone5 ケース http://www.jpiphonecasestore.tk iphone5 ケース
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The embedded code recognition unit 128 is configured to read, or at least recognize the presence of, a music identification code embedded within a piece of music played ambiently or received from a radio broadcast. In one embodiment, the embedded code comprises audio signals transmitted within a subcarrier along with the music itself. The embedded audio signals may comprise a repeating signal of finite length that repeats, e.g., every four seconds, a series of repeating signals or a continuous signal. In one embodiment, the embedded audio signal code has a start signal and an end signal. In one embodiment, the signals are embedded in a drumbeat of the piece of music. In one embodiment, the embedded code is embedded by a radio station before or during a radio broadcast. In another embodiment, the embedded code is embedded by a recording company as the music is stored on a medium such as a compact disc. In one embodiment, the embedded code comprises audio signals at a frequency that is preferably inaudible to humans and safe for the environment, e.g., not harmful to cats, dogs and other animals. Those skilled in the art will readily appreciate from the teachings herein that any of a variety of methods for embedding codes will be suitable for the purposes of the present invention, and also that any of a variety of different types of codes can be used. japaniphonecase.tk http://www.japaniphonecase.tk japaniphonecase.tk
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pre-schoolers that people can be good friends with those who are very different from themselves. Even though they are identified as male characters and possess many human traits and characteristics (as most Sesame Street Muppets do), they remain puppets and do not have a sexual orientation." One can almost see Ernie guffawing away at this - though, obviously, in a totally non-sexually orientated manner. It's a coherent position. In a world where sex and sexual advertising is everywhere, Sesame Street is in the business of enchanting and educating children in that magical space - a commercial free zone. To use its icons in any campaign might seem to undermine its integrity. If you want subversive or sexualised puppets, then try Team America from the creators of South Park, a film which offers a full and free exploration of what puppets can do with almost all moving bodily parts. It's possible that I have never quite laughed so much. This argument over the purity of Bert and Ernie is its own tribute to the huge success of Sesame Street over nearly 50 years. Those cartoon characters - or their puppet equivalents - which touch us at our most formative moments of early childhood will become part of the bedr
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the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedThe case for our right to be called “the start-up nation” is clear and simple. First off, the entire world comes here to learn how we built a start-up culture of entrepreneurship and risk-taking that gives rise to dozens of exits a year. If people from Singapore, Germany and China are coming to learn how we cultivate this ecology, then apparently we’ve done something right. Second, the financial statistics speak for themselves: Given the massive risks involved in building a large company, floating shares on the stock exchange and tackling the cruel international markets, selling a company is almost always the best way for entrepreneurs, investors and employees to maximize profits. Third, alongside the start-up nation is a nation of multinational high-tech companies: Intel, HP, Microsoft, Motorola, EMC, Cisco and even Apple have employed thousands of workers here over the years, and most offer more stable employment than start-ups. They have a reciprocal relationship with the start-ups, hiring their workers while also grooming potential hires. Fourth, the start-up nation nurtures itself: After every exit, most of the entrepreneurs go back to their garages in order to launch their next start-up, and the lucky ones ? those who raked in tens of millions of dollars in the sellout ? become investors, mentors and angels. Every day, the Israeli start-up nation ecology sends its roots down a little deeper. Fifth, the tough competition between big technology firms drives them to pay inflated prices for start-ups. They’re not buying merely technology or a team, but also “insurance” that their competitor will not be able to buy this technology. They are occasionally willing to pay significant premiums for this insurance ? much more than the cash flow the start-up is forecast to generate for them. Sixth, Israeli technology and expertise combined with the buyer’s distribution and marketing infrastructure is a winning mix. The buyer is unable to create that kind of innovation in-house, while the seller’s chance of success on the global market, given the massive investment required in marketing, production and logistics, is very low. Seventh, for the past 40 years, the world has associated Israel with the occupation, the Palestinian conflict, terror and battles between ultra-Orthodox and secular Jews. The only way in which we’ve managed to improve our brand is by building a name as the start-up nation. If we didn’t have this narrative, we’d be left with only the conflict and the occupation. But does this success hide negative phenomena that are hard to see, quantify and even understand? It seems the answer is yes. First off, the start-up nation encompasses only a very small percentage of the population. A bubble detached from the rest of the country, it exacerbates social and economic inequality. The start-up lifestyle and culture characterize a very specific group of people of a very specific age. Second, the start-up industry is incredibly cruel: Its workers are very unlikely to have a long-term career. Very few companies are built to last, and the collapse of large companies and turnover at the top are crucial parts of the free market ? but it takes a critical mass of large companies to create a job market and provide employment opportunities for all kinds of people over the long term. Third, the culture of start-ups and the quick exit have filtered throughout the rest of the economy. Everyone wants to make fast cash and move on to the next thing. If in the private sector the goal is to win the sprint, it’s not surprising that the public sector, politicians and all aspects of public life in Israel show no long-term thinking; instead, everyone is trying to maximize utility over the short term. Fourth, the start-up and exit culture mean that most Israeli innovation is based on new products, and very little innovation is based on new processes. The private and public sectors, which desperately need innovative processes, better management and a culture of competition and talent, won’t find any of this in start-ups so long as the latter exist within their own private bubble focused on research and development. If Israel’s start-up sector were to produce more large companies, more entrepreneurs thinking about the long term, then we would also find ourselves developing management, marketing and long-term thinking that would filter through to the rest of the economy. High-tech’s focus on flipping start-ups means that this industry is entirely detached from the rest of the economy. Thus the country’s most successful sector cannot truly become an engine for changing the economy, the culture, values and skills. Two entirely separate nations are sprouting up here ? the start-up nation, which excels in research and development, quick change and finding opportunities, and the nation of Israel with its outdated public sector and excess of economic concentration. As far as the start-up nation is concerned, the current model is working great, and it offers tremendous advantages to its entrepreneurs, investors and employees. But in terms of the nation as a whole, this is a huge missed opportunity that perpetuates the current economic structure. The first case is simple and clear ? the second one is much more complex.News: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights Reserved"Mommy, I want you to buy the drink that tastes like Nestea," said my 4-year-old son. Funny, he never used to drink that brand's iced tea before. But the massive, focused Israeli ad campaign by the Coca-Cola Company's local franchisee, the Central Bottling Company, had done its work. At a time when companies are watching their consumers' attention spans dwindle and their ad campaigns miss the mark, the Central Bottling Company managed to win over the public with a targeted campaign promoting a singular, sharp message. The results are undeniable. After Coca-Cola handed over distribution of several of its Nestea products, prompting the name change of one of this country's most beloved iced teas, the newly christened Fuze Tea was introduced in a flurry of ads. Two weeks in, the nascent brand's market share among iced tea beverages, in terms of financial total sales volume, reached 61 percent, according to figures compiled by market research company Storenext and published September 9 in TheMarker. Nestea's market share plummeted from 76 percent to a negligible 15 percent market share, with Fuze Tea effectively knocking its predecessor off the shelves. The market share for other competing brands, including Tempo Beverages' Jump, Jafora-Tabori's Spring Tea and supermarket chain Super-Sol's generic iced tea held steady. But all brands can take heart in the fact that sales of iced tea jumped across the board. The Fuze Tea marketing campaign was a blitz the likes of which had not been seen in Israel for many years. At a time when most companies have been scaling back on advertising, Central Bottling Company set aside a reported NIS 15 million to push its brand. This was a focused, thought-out campaign. It began with a simple press announcement that was reminiscent of a product recall. Like all good ad campaigns, however, it left consumers thirsty for more, saying only that an established product was about to change its name. Nothing more was revealed. With consumers curious, the message returned in an all-out public relations campaign. Sources close to the campaign say that even before it got off the ground, consumer awareness surveys showed that 60 percent of the target audience was already aware of a pending iced tea name switch. The success of the campaign can be measured not just in how much tea was guzzled, but also how much buzz it generated. Perhaps driven as much by curiosity as confusion, customers who encountered the bottles with the same taste but different name began to chatter about what it all meant. Curiosity may have killed the cat, but it also, apparently, sparked the thirst, as consumers hurried to try to the newly labeled drink and taste what all the fuss was about. But the future of Fuze can't yet be read in the tea leaves. Despite the success of the launch, Osem Investments, Nestle's local distributor, has still not even begun to respond in force with the new version of Nestea iced tea. It??s also possible that despite Fuze's apparent success, some of those glugging it down are just trying out the drink, and won't stay loyal to it in the future. One thing, however, is clear. The successful launch of Fuze Tea and its nearly instantaneous replacement of an established brand highlight several important lessons for marketers everywhere. Product branding As all good marketing students know, companies invest in their brand name, because a strong brand will generate customer loyalty and allow the company to charge higher prices. While competitors are selling their products at two bottles for NIS 10, Fuze Tea is charging between NIS 6 and NIS 7 per bottle. Despite the fact that Israelis are entrenched in a social justice debate about the inflated cost of products here, Central Bottling Company launched a new brand-name product selling at a higher price than its consumers. And the result? The cash-strapped masses bought it up in droves. Taste versus image Part of Fuze Tea's success can probably be chalked up to the fact that it tastes exactly the same as the old Nestea. When Nestle and Coca-Cola split up, Coca-Cola got the drink's recipe while Nestle walked away with the brand name. One of the key product development tests used by Nestle to determine a new drink's readiness for market is called the 60-40 test. A product is considered ready for public consumption when roughly 60 percent of those surveyed in taste tests call it delicious and say they prefer it to competing brands. But this entire premise revolves around the idea that people are blindly loyal to brand names. The story of Fuze Tea suggests that companies may need only to preserve the taste that people love, and consumers will continue to buy the product, whatever the name. The great irony here is that the company that has demonstrated this lesson in the iced tea market is the same company that markets Coca-Cola, a brand that in the past took a serious hit for trying to change its taste. This is also brand whose biggest competitor, Pepsi, tried without much success to draw away some of Coca-Cola's loyal customers through a blind taste test promotion to prove that consumers prefer its dark fizzy drink more. Brand name versus product design Perhaps the discussion is focused on the wrong dimension of the problem. Maybe we need to ask what really makes a brand ?C maybe it??s the font used in the logo or the container's evocative appearance. Nestea's bottle was very distinctive. After the falling out between Nestle and Coca-Cola, the latter changed the name on their bottle's paper label but left everything else completely intact. Keeping the same identifiable bottle, it appears, told consumers that the drink inside had remained the same, despite the name plastered across the front. Product design folks will tell you that if you received a black carbonated drink served in Coca-Cola's distinctive glass bottle that you would be confident that you were drinking Coca-Cola, even if you were actually sipping RC Cola. Other research shows that it's not even product design that serves as a determining factor, it's simply color. When red food coloring is added to water, people think it tastes like raspberry. Regardless product design, when a drink's flavor remians the same and the drink comes in the same shape bottle, the impact of a changed name is significantly reduced. Distribution versus branding Albeit much less sexy to talk about, another key element is a product's distribution channels. Fuze Tea's launch wasn't just exceptional in its scope or because the underlying product was left unaltered. It was also different because within two weeks of the product hitting the market, it had the same market penetration of Nestea. You could find the drink at almost every kiosk and grocer in the country. Almost every single Israeli who went looking for a soft drink over the past few weeks had Fuze Tea as one of their choices. It's unlikely that any company other than Coca-Cola and its local distributor, the Central Bottling Company, could have reached this distribution level in a similar time frame. The Central Bottling Company's distribution muscle is one of its most significant advantages and probably played a significant role in Fuze Tea's success in the Israeli market, as much as the media campaign. Location, location, location Central Bottling Company has another distribution trump card: where its soft drinks are sold. Sales of Heinz ketchup really took off in Israel when the brand-name condiment received wide exposure at local branches of McDonald's. Likewise, one of the advantages that Central Bottling has over its competitor Tempo is that its soft drink offerings are carried in most restaurants, food chains and bars. The more frequently a customer is exposed to a product, the more he is bound to like it. Brand power versus corporate muscle One of the reasons Fuze Tea was featured so prominently at most supermarket chains may have had something to with it belonging to the Coca-Cola Company, whose namesake product is instantly recognizable around the world. When you own such a powerful brand, retail chains have an interest in keeping you happy. You don't even need to make demands. You can just ask nicely and watch all the stores scramble to follow suit.It was Bill Clinton who stole the show last night at the Mann Auditorium. The waves of love that lapped around him were almost palpable. But it was his predecessor, George Bush Sr., who in his recorded message of congratulations to Shimon Peres encapsulated the significance of the evening. "We do it," Bush said of himself and the dozens of other world figures who attended personally or sent greetings to Peres, "because we know what he stands for." Peres, for those in the world that wish Israel well, and for the thousands of his own friends and well-wishers who thronged the hall last night, stands for peace. And the fact that he failed to attain it, and that it seems so far off now, added to the poignancy of the moment. "You are a light unto the nations," Clinton told him, homing in to the heart of our national discomfort. "In hard times it's so easy to give in to despair - so hard to think about tomorrow." Almost everyone seemed to cry at some point during the emotion-filled evening. The wide-eyed little Ethiopian boy sitting on Peres' lap in a huge photograph drew a smile and a sigh. When the same face - now atop the uniform of an IDF officer - smiled down from the stage and wished Peres happy birthday, people choked up. When a young Russian immigrant, badly wounded in the Dolphinarium bombing, urged Peres to keep on fighting for peace, the tears flowed freely. But it wasn't just these scenes that brought on the sadness. Rather, it was the haunting sense that the celebration of Peres' longevity was also, inevitably, the marking of his inability, despite his now-waning years of trying, to make the longed-for breakthrough. It was almost an admission of Israel's inability to reach peace. After all, Mr. Peace himself, for all his indefatigable efforts, could not deliver it. In this spirit, perhaps a bit maudlin but nonetheless authentic, Ariel Sharon won his warmest applause when he suggested, at the end of a warm and generous speech, that the two of them, old friends for half a century, could get together again to work for those two desperately elusive goals - peace and security. Clinton, suddenly serious and focused in a speech full of humanity and humor, recalled that the new Palestinian prime minister, Ahmed Qureia, and Shimon Peres had together crafted a peace plan before. That plan was still workable, Clinton urged. "A few miles from here there are Palestinians living who are not so different from you, who hate terror as you do, who are afraid too, who are exhausted too." A partnership between Israelis and Palestinians, he added, "could turn the whole world away from the wretched curse of terror." It was a motley assortment of past and present statesmen - more past, in fact, than present - that took the trouble to come to Tel Aviv to pay Peres homage. Peres pointed to the special common denominator that bound together the most prominent among them. "These are world leaders who made history," he said. He was referring to Gorbachev, to de Klerk, to David Trimble - men who changed the flow of events in their own countries. Peres sees himself as one of them. His admirers, here and abroad, also see him as a rightful member of that select company. But those same admirers know - and hence the tinge of sadness in yesterday's proceedings - that the history Peres sought to make is yet unmade.News: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedAt some point Mahmoud Darwish began to speak of Troy as the mythic vanquished party - the one no one would speak for, not even Euripides, the other side of the conventional story. In this story Israel and the West are Greece. The Palestinians are Troy. Troy is a cultural absence, because the vanquished are not remembered; they are missing. Absence is a common word in Palestinian discourse, poetry, life. The abandoned home, the field from which you were expelled, the place that awaits your return - all of it speaks of absence (ghiab, in Arabic). It's a term that recurs in Darwish's poetry, and not only in his exquisite book "Why Did You Leave the Horse Alone?" Director Nasri Hajjaj constructs his film "As the Poet Said" ("Kama Qal a-Shai'r") around Darwish's absence as the distilled essence of the absence in his poetry. The absence that recurs in the poems resonates in the images that Hajjaj has sought to craft out of those poems. Hajjaj is a Palestinian, born in the Ein al-Hilweh refugee camp in Lebanon and now a documentary maker living in Beirut. In "As the Poet Said," he undertook a difficult task and made two brave decisions: He did not use any of the many hours of footage that show Darwish reading his poems to an audience or to the camera; and he let the images captured by his camera be accompanied by Darwish's voice, along with the voices of others reading in their own languages - Portuguese, French, Kurdish, Hebrew and, of course, Arabic. This is a film whose text is pure poetry, nothing but poetry, read all throughout the movie. Most of the images are accompanied by Darwish's clear, musical voice. In this sense, watching its premier in the packed Al-Kasaba theater in mid-January in Ramallah was an intriguing experience. The audience was spellbound. No, they didn't recite the better-known poems along with the film, but they drank them in eagerly, silently. The film is built around the absence of a figure, in particular by using the very strong presence of a voice. For example, there is an empty auditorium (the Odeon Theater in Paris), where Darwish once gave a poetry reading. No one is there now, only empty seats, an empty stage, a microphone, a table, a chair - but this is the documentation of a place where he once read his work in a great recital. There, but now gone. The film builds up a thunderous absence. It's a seemingly simple trick: writers, poets and authors who knew Darwish (Nobel Prize for Literature laureates Jose Saramago and Wole Soyinka, French writer Dominique de Villepin, Kurdish poet Sherko Bekas, and Lebanese poet Joumana Haddad), read from his poems in the settings of their choice, in translations into their own languages. Soon the viewer runs into two difficulties: The visual images cannot compete with Darwish's metaphors, and the attempts are at times downright uncomfortable (a horse struggling to climb up a sandy dune; billowing cigarette smoke; an Arab peasant woman walking by an old locomotive; a stream of clear water). On the other hand, the music, piano and a woman's wordless singing give the elegy its aesthetic dimension, for the film is a work of mourning. Here is the place of his birth, Al-Birwa, although the place itself is gone, and soon afterward we see the Houston hospital where he died while undergoing heart surgery: an empty corridor, the operating room, the deathbed. And then the Paris hotel room where he slept on his way to Houston, the room where he worked in Ramallah, the offices of the Al-Karmel literary review, his desk. Mother's house Sometimes the choices are impressive. The remains of Al-Birwa, under what is now the Ahihud Forest; a house that has remained whole, barred and locked; an abandoned field; as well as his mother's house in Jedida, also near Acre. And the loveliest image of all (one that, I believe, Darwish would have found moving): 80-year-old Nimer Murkus, one of the leaders of the Communist Party in Israel, tending to an olive tree outside his home in Kfar Yassif, with his daughter, the amazing singer Amal Murkus, by his side, singing one of Darwish's early poems. She sings and quietly plays, while her father recites and cares for the tree. Nimer Murkus was an elementary school teacher in Deir al-Assad, and Mahmoud studied with him after his family stole back across the country's closing borders. And then - this is not told in the movie, which has no text beyond Darwish's poems - the teacher gave the little refugee boy a gift: a box of crayons and a sketchbook, because young Mahmoud liked to draw. Later, when Darwish was a high school student in Kfar Yassif, Murkus was his leader in the communist youth movement and gave him his first reading materials, which opened the world up to him. This is a precipice at which all those who wish to describe Darwish's biography inevitably arrive. He refused to grant entry into his private life. The movie shows Haifa. This was the city where he took his first steps as a poet and editor, and to which he was confined under the "1945 Defense (Emergency) Regulations." Poet Dahlia Ravikovitch could not believe, during a visit to his home in Haifa, after the 1967 war, that he really had to report to the police station every morning and every evening. Darwish invited her to join him and see for herself, how he, a man charged with nothing, had to register with the desk sergeant twice a day (they both told me this story, in almost identical terms). And here is Haifa the way that Haifa is shown on film: a mountain, a port, the Bahai Temple. But it is the Haifa he loved to visit in his final years, far from Palestinian public consciousness. A Darwish biographer would need to follow his desire in his final years to return to Haifa, to live there as a private man. The odds were all against it: Not only was the Shin Bet security service extremely unlikely to permit his return, but it was impossible for him to tear himself away from Ramallah, which became, temporarily at least, the center of Palestinian life. This was the dilemma he grappled with, and as far as I may be allowed to guess, based on our few conversations, he largely gave up his private life. The question of where he should be buried - in the Galilee, as his friends and those close to him demanded, or in Ramallah, as the top officials of the Palestinian Authority decided and somehow convinced his family - demonstrated the ownership of the national poet. Helit Yeshurun's interview with Mahmoud Darwish in the 12th issue of the journal Hadarim (Spring 1996) is therefore worth reading. There may be no other place where Darwish spoke about such a strong desire to be and yet not to be the representative of his people, with all the contradictions that led a brilliant intellectual like himself to his insights (that's also why I appear in the movie, holding the issue and reading from it). I left the theater. The reading from the Hebrew translation (by Anton Shammas) was received quietly, as were the readings in French, English and Portuguese (only the Kurdish aroused a few giggles of foreignness). I stood with my friend, film director Dahlia Hager, at the exit and watched the crowd. There was something horrific about the contrast between the ends of the earth where the poems had been read (Tanzania, Spain, France), the places where Darwish had traveled, and the fact that the theater was packed with people who cannot come and go as they wish. Freedom of movement - the standard of Western democracy - stops at the Qalandiyah checkpoint. And on the way back, we, two Israelis, are free individuals, making the necessary loop around the checkpoint. We pass through the suburbs of Ramallah, outside the high walls that separate families, workplaces and homes, and the profound neglect of the neighborhoods of East Jerusalem. A national life whose center used to be Jerusalem, which is now cut off from all of its Palestinian sides; Ramallah, which is not a capital and does not want to be one. And, on every side, the walls.News: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights Reserved"Jewish halakhic decisions," says Rabbi Prof. Daniel Sperber, "tended throughout most of the generations to be user-friendly. There are impressive examples in halakhic history of the willingness of poskim (arbiters of Jewish law) to allow the taking of interest or to prevent the cancellation of debts in order to make economic life possible; to allow the sale of chametz on Pesach and a heter mechira (permission to sell land to a non-Jew) during the sabbatical year to prevent losses; even to impose severe sanctions on those who refused to grant a get (a religious divorce) or to release agunot (chained women, whose husbands cannot or will not grant them a divorce) under lenient conditions. Only in recent generations has pesika (issuing a halakhic ruling) become extreme and increasingly stringent." This argument is not new, of course. For many years it was voiced by Conservative and Reform Jews, women's organizations and ordinary liberal religious Jews. The innovation lies in the speaker, his background and the knowledge that he brings to his argument. An Israel Prize laureate for his talmudic research, Sperber is president of the Institute of Advanced Torah Studies at Bar-Ilan University. A reknowned scholar of Jewish law and the Talmud, he also is the rabbi of a congregation the neighborhood where he lives in Jerusalem, the Jewish Quarter of the Old City. In two books recently published in Hebrew by Reuben Mass "Darka shel Halakha" (The Path of Halakha) and "Netivot Pesika" (Modes of Decision), Sperber spells out his arguments against the halakhic decision-making of recent generations; he says it is characterized mainly by disregard for the personal situation of the person requesting the ruling and an absence of humane consideration for the applicant's suffering and dignity in favor of comprehensive decisions designed for a general public and tending to be stringent. He traces the origin of the problem, as did many of his respected predecessors (chiefly historian Jacob Katz) to the extreme reaction of religious society in Europe to the phenomenon of Reform and the Haskala (Jewish Enlightenment movement). Since Reform Jews wanted to innovate, traditional Jews had to refrain from any innovation. This extreme position was reflected symbolically by the famous statement by the Hatam Sofer, the leader of the ultra-Orthodox community in Hungary in the 19th century, who declared that hadash (the new) is "forbidden by the Torah." (This was a paraphrase of a Jewish law in Temple times forbidding the eating of the new grain crop before the ceremony marking the Counting of the Omer). In short, any attempt at innovation regarding a specific custom was enough to invalidate it, even if there is no halakhic prohibition. The Hatam Sofer influenced poskim and communities all over Europe, and the situation reached the absurd, according to Sperber: "Recently a book was published about the customs of the Mattersdorf community [in Hungary- Y.S.] in the mid-19th century. And it turns out that in this community the rabbis refused to allow a heater into the study hall and consequently it was so cold that most members of the community refrained from coming to the synagogue in the winter, and there's evidence that those who came had icicles running down from their beards, only because 'our forefathers did not have heaters.' In that same community they also avoided placing benches in the synagogue, and elderly people were forced to stand during the entire prayer service, for the same reason that 'Hadash is forbidden by the Torah.'" Even major poskim, experts in the halakhic tradition, avoided innovation to the point of absurdity. Sperber tells of the testimony of the son of the Hafetz Haim (Rabbi Yisrael Hacohen of Radin, the main Ashkenazi posek of modern times) regarding his father, who refrained from introducing electricity into the synagogue, even on weekdays, because of the innovation it represented. Ivory tower phenomenon The second and more recent cause of extremism, says Sperber, is the central role that the large yeshivas and their heads began to assume in the Ashkenazi (European) halakhic world: "In the past it was common for the pesika to be issued in each community by the local rabbi. The rabbi was familiar with the nature of the community, its ability to observe various stringencies and the needs of the people, and therefore the decisions suited the community. The moment that the yeshiva heads became the main poskim the rulings became 'academic,' issued from an ivory tower, unconnected to the actual situation of the public, and in any case also tending to be stringent." Incidentally, he points out, because the two phenomena - Reform Judaism and the large yeshivas - were not found in Sephardic Judaism (in southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East), the phenomenon of halakhic extremism was avoided there. In "Darka shel Halakha," Sperber deals particularly with what he considers a central example of "unfriendly" pesika: the subject of Torah reading by women. A priori, the Talmud determines that there is no problem with women being called up to the Torah, and only when it came to reading from the Torah "the Sages said that they shouldn't read because of the dignity of the public"; the most common interpretation of this explanation is that this could humiliate those men who didn't know how to read from the Torah. For most of Jewish history the ruling did not even come up for discussion because the women didn't see themselves as candidates for reading from the Torah. But in recent decades feminism has also affected the desire of religious women to be full partners in religious life, including reading from the Torah. Sperber is convinced, and that is also what he rules, that they should be allowed to do so, adopting an approach of "friendly" pesika: "First of all, today most religious men who come to the synagogue know how to read from the Torah, so, in any case, they should not be insulted by a woman reading. Second, just as there is concern for a public that is insulted when women read, another public can also "forgo its dignity' and decide that it is not insulted by this reading. And primarily - in contrast to the value of 'the dignity of the public' - preference should be given to the universal value of human dignity, because the moment women feel insulted by not being allowed to read, this insult is more important." In the second book Sperber discusses another major problem that he sees as an obstacle to the poskim - the absence of sufficient scientific knowledge. He is referring mainly to their ignorance of the academic field of Jewish studies, which causes them to be unfamiliar with sources discovered in recent generations or differences of opinion between versions of various manuscripts, which could influence the pesika. As a basic example of that he mentions that Rabbi Yosef Caro, the compiler of the Shulkhan Arukh, which from the time it was written in the 16th century up to the present, has been considered the central book of halakha in the Jewish world, made his halakhic decisions by following the majority opinion in three previous books of halakha with which he was familiar: those of Maimonides, the Rif (Rabbi Yitzhak Alfasi) and the Rosh (Rabbi Asher ben Yehiel). "But in recent generations," says Sperber, "many halakhic sources that were totally unfamiliar to the author of the Shulkhan Arukh have been discovered, for example extensive halakhic literature from Provence. This literature could change the entire balance of majority and minority opinion in halakha, but the poskim will not allow any expression of that. The Hazon Ish [a central posek who lived in Israel in the 20th century -Y.S.] even said there is no need to take this literature into consideration, because apparently it was determined from above that this literature would not be discovered before the halakhic tradition was consolidated. Incidentally, Shas spiritual leader Rabbi Ovadia Yosef is actually willing to rely on the new literature, and in several places he rules contrary to the Shulkhan Arukh, in accordance with new sources that have been discovered." Occasionally, it must be admitted, unfamiliarity with the various sources actually causes lenient halakhic rulings. For example, Sperber brings the famous case of the permission given by Rabbi Avraham Kook to sell the lands of the country during the sabbatical year. This permission was based, among other things, on previous poskim who ruled that there is no prohibition against selling land from Eretz Israel to goyim in our time, because the prohibition written in the Torah on this matter relates only to idol worshipers, and today's Arabs are not considered as such. But manuscripts discovered in recent decades reveal that these quotes stemmed from censorship imposed by Christian rulers on the original pesika, which actually prohibited the sale of land from Eretz Israel to all the goyim, and not only to idol worshipers. In the test of results, Sperber is not afraid of the practical significance of his discovery, "because there are enough other ways and reasons to allow the sale," but the basic principle is important.News: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedAri Shavit believes that the root of all evil in the negotiations with the Palestinians is the notion that only a full peace deal is acceptable, and has noted "to my credit" that even I have abandoned this approach. (Haaretz, September 2). He is wrong. Since its establishment, Israel has sought full peace agreements with all its neighbors. That was the path of mainstream Zionism, with the intention of ensuring that the Jewish state would not be a foreign body in the region. That was the aim of the Camp David Accords in 1978, which referred to an agreement with the Palestinians after five years of self-rule. When I started the Oslo process, my aim was to overcome obstacles in the talks in Washington between Israel and the Jordanian-Palestinian delegation, and to agree on the parameters of an interim agreement leading to a permanent settlement within five years. I proposed to the late Yitzhak Rabin that we seize the opportunity and try to begin negotiations on a permanent settlement, but he rejected this, saying that if such negotiations failed, it would not be possible to talk about an interim agreement and we would lose out both ways. Immediately after the signing of the Oslo Accords, I began talks with Mahmoud Abbas on a statement of principles for a peace agreement. The work was completed after two years. Then-prime minister Shimon Peres rejected the document. Benjamin Netanyahu, as prime minister, did everything in his power to avoid reaching the moment of truth of a permanent settlement. Ehud Barak, who was elected in 1999, wanted to reach a permanent settlement, but refused an American proposal to put what was then called the Beilin-Abu Mazen Document (though it was not a signed document) on the negotiating table at Camp David. The talks with the Palestinians failed because both sides did not try hard enough to reach a permanent agreement. After the talks on a permanent settlement did not succeed, I proposed to Yasser Abed Rabbo, the Palestinian minister of information, to maintain an informal channel to prepare a detailed proposal for a permanent settlement, and prove to the two peoples that every issue could be resolved. That is the Geneva Initiative, signed seven years ago by a group of Israeli and Palestinian notables; it became the only detailed document acceptable to a large constituency of Israelis and Palestinians. The prime minister at the time, Ariel Sharon, decided on a unilateral withdrawal from Gaza. This withdrawal completely contradicted the spirit of the Geneva Initiative, but I supported it nonetheless because I understood that this was what Sharon was prepared to do, and that it was preferable to leave Gaza with Sharon than wait for another prime minister. Had Sharon's successor, Ehud Olmert, continued down the unilateral path, I would have supported him. Happily, for me, he attempted the bigger move, but it too was a far cry from the agreements we reached in the Geneva Initiative, and the Palestinians were not enthusiastic about it. Netanyahu was elected a second time, unfortunately. He is miles away from a peace agreement along the lines of the Clinton parameters or the Geneva Initiative. Im not sure he's prepared for an interim agreement, but to me it seems more practical than futile talks about security, the environment, water and the Jewish character of the State of Israel. That's why I propose trying the partial move. I am not disillusioned. I think the unilateral withdrawal from Gaza was foolish and that an interim agreement is also undesirable. If it were up to me, I would undoubtedly prefer to reach a full peace agreement now. The question is whether it is preferable to wait for a prime minister who is prepared to pay the price of peace, or do the most that is possible right now. I prefer not to wait.As long as there is an International majority will for a PalestinianState and the fact Palestine has been recognised as such it matters notwhat delusions Israeli's entertain. Facts are Israel can retain itsJewish State by allowing a Palestinian State or lose it in a One StateSolution...those are its only options. Israel has its declared andaccepted and Internationally recognised borders of 1948. Israel canwithdraw behind those with dignity and honour or it can suffer thehumiliation of International rejection and never seeing Israel reach itsfull potential. It is clear to the World Israel does not wantpeace....you will find no supporters other than the mentally infirm.News: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedGideon, I meant to add briefly to my comment on Netanyahu 'spropagandizing and fear mongering on Iran at the UN this past week...Itwas sickening as usual as it was once again blaming the victims ofIsrael and America's war mongering in the regionttp://www.zcommunications.org/accusing-iran-ignoring-history-by-ted-snider.html...Yet people are not fools and eventually the lies and the liarsdiscredit themselves....and are shunned by the world...... This is thebacklash I feel is happening across the world and across the UStoday....People have been taken for a ride by their leaders following9/11 and they see how destructive and painful this has been for otherpeople and their economies and it must end. Yet I was outraged thisweek to discover instead of winding- down the US war machine..there wasJohn Kerry and Chuck Hagel in the NEw York Times pursuing China's goalsin the pacific with my hard earned American dollars and others ....Hence this is wrong way forward by the US government I feel we all mustmove beyond today...if we are ever going to solve some of our pressinghuman problems as MLK spoke about below (IN Breaking the Silence onVietnam) and avoid the state corruption Henry Cabot Lodge warned aboutat the dawn of the 20th century and create the peaceful existence weseek Howard Zinn spoke about in his piece below....Dutch America'sBlinders, Howard Zinn, Common Dreamshttp://www.commondreams.org/views06/0321-20.htm Rethinking America'sNew Isolationism , Christian Science Monitorhttp://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Foreign-Policy/2013/0929/America-s-new-isolationism-videoBreaking the Silence on Vietnam....MLKhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3Qf6x9_MLD0 Henry Cabot Lodgesopposition /League of Nations..A.Must Readhttp://www.firstworldwar.com/source/lodge_leagueofnations.htm MostLatin American Countries Embrace Democracy today....http://www.ned.org/about/board/meet-our-president/archived-presentations-and-articles/latin-america-and-the-worldwide-m(Following the disaster of the CIA covert and overt operations t ounseat many Latin American leaders and their peoples' aspir- ationsforfreedom and democracy...) Back to Asia, Hagel Pursues China Shift inthe Pacific , NYThttp://www.nytimes.com/2013/10/03/world/asia/chuck-hagel-in-asia.html?_r=0In Afghanistan, A Threat to Plunder ,Paul Collier, Oxford , Englandhttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/20/opinion/20collier.html The GiantPentagon Budget is unauditable year after year.http://www.huffingtonpost.com/ralph-nader/pentagon-budget_b_4046370.html(I am refusing to pay my taxes .if this policy continues to be pursued....It is not in line with what "we the people..." want)DutchNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedThe celebrations last week over the Iron Dome anti-rocket system almost silenced the chorus of denouncers, who have tried the past three years to promote other technological solutions to the rocket threats. The argument over the system's necessity was replaced by a question - why are more batteries not being bought, and soon? Meanwhile, another plan for acquisitions is causing the defense establishment an even greater headache. The Defense Ministry has admitted something the Pentagon has known for months, that the plan to equip the Israel Air Force with the warplane of the future, the F-35, is in trouble. Hitches, delays in development and budget changes of tens of billions of dollars mean the 20 stealth planes that Israel ordered at a preliminary cost of $2.75 billion are expected to be held up for at least two years. The planes, when they arrive, will likely be from the early production series and lack the advanced technological capabilities that were among the main reasons for acquiring them. The expected delay is forcing the IAF to answer the urgent need for replacing veteran fighter planes in their fourth decade of operation. The alternatives are another costly upgrading of the planes or the acquisition (as a gift ) of planes no longer in use in the American air force - everything except the obvious possibility of relinquishing the plane for the moment, a plane that many in the U.S. defense establishment are not convinced is necessary. The F-35 constrains the defense budget for the coming decades. The IAF is talking about the need for at least 75 planes, costing another $6 billion or more, and the purchase price is merely the beginning. Reports prepared in the Pentagon indicate that the maintenance costs of the F-35 could be 50 percent more than those of the F-16. Add in the tremendous costs of development and procurement of the special weapons systems for the plane because of its "stealth" configuration, which does not make it possible to carry most of the weapons systems the air force uses today. The inescapable conclusion is that the F-35 is likely to become a white elephant with wings that will swallow up ever-greater chunks of the defense budget. What is not clear is whether its unique capabilities will be relevant at the end of the decade when the IAF will eventually have an operational squadron. The IAF and the military industries have always known how to adapt and upgrade weapons systems for changing operational needs. With the F-35 this capability will be extremely limited because of American insistence on treating the plane as "a closed package" while the codes for its software remain in their hands. IAF commanders insist that the F-35 is the only plane of the fifth generation that is being planned now in the West, and that Israel must have it to maintain its deterrent power and technological edge over the Arab countries. But why is the decision about building the Israel Defense Forces' future strength being left in the hands of the elite fighter pilots? There are more advanced fighter planes flying today in Israel than in countries like Canada, Britain, Germany and France. The issue of being equipped with fighter planes is a matter for political and public debate. In the United States, for the first time, a transport plane pilot has been appointed to head its air force, an indication that fighter pilots no longer exclusively decide on the order of priorities. There are many alternatives to the F-35 - from the acquisition of advanced models of the F-15 and F-16, which cost only half as much, which will make it possible to integrate Israeli systems, and which will get here more quickly, to putting more emphasis in the field of unmanned air vehicles in which Israel leads the world. In the United States and Britain they have begun training fighter pilots to go over to operating UAVs. The knights of the skies are not happy to be grounded but the technological and economic advantages are obvious. The F-35 lobby claims that anyway the money earmarked for purchasing fighter planes comes from the American foreign aid budget. But the billions of the American administration are not painted blue. It is possible to use the resources for renewing the additional strategic arm of the IDF - the Israel Navy - or for improving the equipment of the ground forces. It is also possible to develop missile and UAV projects in cooperation with American companies and thus to fund them from the aid money. Despite the Iron Dome festival of the past few days, the former and current defense ministers Amir Peretz and Ehud Barak, as well as the senior civilian echelons of the Defense Ministry, forced the IDF and the IAF to accept the system to which they had no intention of devoting resources. The time has come for civilians to intervene once more.News: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedNews: Jewish World: Culture: Haaretz.com Blogs: Haaretz.co.il: Design by Accelerated by Haaretz.com, the online edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, and analysis from Israel and the Middle East. Haaretz.com provides extensive and in-depth coverage of Israel, the Jewish World and the Middle East, including defense, diplomacy, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the peace process, Israeli politics, Jerusalem affairs, international relations, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli business world and Jewish life in Israel and the Diaspora.? Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights ReservedAmerican Jews are only partial Jews while Israeli Jews are total Jews, Israel Prize laureate A.B. Yehoshua claimed at a lecture he delivered Friday on the relationship between Israel and Diaspora Jews. "They are partial Jews while I am a complete Jew," Yehoshua said, referring to American Jewry. "In no way are we the same thing - we are total and they are partial; we are Israeli and also Jewish. In recent years, my friends and I have needed to defend Israel against the matter of the state, as if it is merely an issue of citizenship, while Israel is the authentic, deep concept of the Jewish people ... in no siddur is there a mention of the word 'Jew' but only 'Israeli'. The name of our country and the territory is Land of Israel - and it is about this deep matter that we must defend against a Jewish offensive." The lecture was part of the HaKatedra Strategic Friday lecture series, which is organized by the Land of Israel Museum. Yehoshua added that living outside Israel "is a very deep failure of the Jewish people." He reiterated that the settlement of Jews in the Diaspora was something they opted for 2,000 years ago, when Jews could return to Israel but chose not to, and which he says was not imposed on Jews - as it is historically presented among the Jewish diasporas. The author noted that the amount of immigration from the United States is minimal and embarrassing. "There are about 500,000 Israelis abroad who can easily glide into their Israeliness, which they consider only citizenship and not identity ... there is nearly no home without a convertible outside. I know these homes, who are well off. Why? Because they cannot find jobs here? The Swedes, too, don't have work in high technology like they would want, but you will not see so many Swedes in the United States," Yehoshua said. More from Haaretz.com: ? ? ? In response to a question from the audience about the difficulty facing Diaspora Jews to immigrate to Israel, Yehoshua said: "If Judaism is important to you, then come here, receive it in full and be part of it. But it is important that you understand: 'they' and 'us' are not the same thing. Do not make do with texts. At least learn Hebrew, learn about us through the intimacy of Hebrew. They should come here more often. 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